Performance
Analysis: Las Madres of Plaza de Mayo
During
the Argentine dictatorship, also known as the Dirty War (1976-1983), thousands
of accused oppressors were abducted and often killed. These abductions, also
referred to as “The Disappeared”, occurred along several age gaps and more so
within the young generations of students. In a period oppressed with fear and
grief, a group of mothers decided to take the first courageous steps to protest
against the unexplained disappearances of their loved ones. The Mothers of
Plaza de Mayo’s Movement, plays a critical role in the history of political
activism in Argentina. Separating themselves from silent political operations against
the military dictatorship, the Madre’s gathered together in the most centrally
located point in the city, the Main Square in Buenos Aires. Showcasing their
grief in the public eye, the mothers demanded information on their missing
loved ones, unafraid of the repressive threats from the military junta.
Considered to be one of the most influential political performances in
Argentine history, this text looks at the different rhetorical strategies used
to develop the collective maternal identity of the mothers, as well as how
these strategies were effectively used throughout their political performance.
Historical Context
Los Desaparecidos & the Dirty War: Fighting Terror
with Terror
Looking
at the beginning (1976), Argentina was vulnerable, economic conditions were
unstable, and for the junta, the opportunity of power had arrived. The Junta
however, was not the “first threat to democracy” (Word Press). In September of
1955, the three military branches revolted, forcing President Juan Peron into
exile and imposed by a new leader, Juan Carlos Ongania in 1966. It was not long
until former president Juan Peron emerged from exile in 1973 and demanded rain
until his death in 1974 where he left his wife, Isabel Martinez de Peron to
power (Word Press). Traditionally in Latin America, motherhood was “restricted
to the realm of the private […] where “’public women […] are considered
prostitutes or madwomen” (Diane Taylor). Naturally, it wasn’t long before
Isabel was ousted by a new military dictatorship lead by Jorge Videla, leader
of the junta in 1976 (BBC Timeline of Argentina).
As
a result of the “political instability, there was a lack of economic
regulation” (Word Press) in thus, created an economic downturn in Argentina. By
1975, inflation had risen by 300% and gave way to protests, strikes and
terrorist violence leaving hundreds dead (Word Press). Videla, taking advantage
of Argentina’s “Process of National Reorganization”, and chaotic state, came to
power with the intention of completely reforming the Argentinian society to
“fit their conservative, militarized, Catholic vision” (Word Press). The
three-man military junta “closed the National Congress, imposed censorship,
banned trade unions, and brought state and municipal government under military control”
(Britannica). This reform was the mark of a dark period known as The Dirty War,
targeting any left-wing “terrorist” that threated their goal and hundreds of
clandestine detention camps where “thousands of people were jailed and
persecuted” (Britannica).
To
Videla however, terrorist were not defined “as someone who threw grenades”
(Word Press) but as anyone who resented the newly adopted “western, Christian
values” (Rodriguez). Despite the claims of attempts to relinquish
any guerrilla activity, the junta targeted mostly “young students, and
blue-collar workers” (Rodriguez) also known as “Subversives” (Women in World
History). Many of these subversives vanished without a trace, records
obliterated, and left alive only in the memories and hearts of their family and
friends.
These disappearances
however, was not the outcome of a tragic accident, in September of 1976 was
marked as The Night of the Pencils (BBC) in which a series of “kidnapping and
forced disappearances” were often followed by “the torture, rape, and murder of
a number of young students” (Word Press). The Night of the Pencils was a direct
response to the protests of student members of the Union de Estudiantes
Secundarios (Union of High School Students) who protested against the
government, demanding education and political reform (Women in World History).
These acts were identified as “left-wing threats” (Word Press) to the ideal
society by the government and the students were held for months in illegal
detention centers. These students were tortured, raped, and murdered (Word
Press) before their bodies were disposed of in rural areas or unmarked graves
(Sibilla).
Discrimination
was not a characteristic in the military junta, the victim’s nationality, age
and sex, “let alone their social, cultural or religious affiliation” did not
really matter (Belluci). Children born of imprisoned mothers were adopted
to local government families illegally, and documents destroyed, hindering any
efforts for families: fathers, mothers, and grandmothers to find their lost
loved ones and stolen children/grandchildren (Women in World History). Usually
carried out by groups of military and police commandos, some uniforms, and
others in plain clothes (Belluci) the junta broke into and searched homes,
kidnapped whoever they found, and if victims survived the “search and seize
operation” (Belluci), they were taken to the concentration camps or torture
centers “where they were tortured and chained until their fate was decided”
(Belluci). Families have been denied the right to mourn over their victims,
babies that were born in detention (or arrested with their parents) were later
put up for illegal adoption, and often given to high rank military families
(Belluci).
Fear
prevented any discussion over the inhumane actions of the military government,
leftist guerrillas, (widely active in the country in the late 1960’s)
maintaining the countries reputation and civil war claim, receive little to no
public opposition. It was not until 1977 (Women in World History), did a
response movement known as the “Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo” arise with signs,
photos, and names of their disappeared children calling “international attention
to the pligh t”
(Britannica) of the disappeared and civil rights violations. Strong pockets of
opposition and resistance appeared within human rights organizations following
the Las Madres, as well as in some unions, and among thousands of Argentinians
in exile (Belluci).
In
the face of the disappearance of their children, a group of mothers lead by
Hebe Bonafini (NACLA), began meeting every Thursday “in the large Plaza de Mayo
in Buenos Aires, the site of Argentina’s government” (Women in World History);
this continued until 2006 (Britannica). It was at these meetings, that the
mothers demanded information on their children, initiating non-violent
demonstrations, and chanting “We want our children; we want them to tell us
where they are!” and “No matter what our children think they should not be
tortured!” (Women in World History). The mother’s simple request and
demands for prosecution was the first time “any of the public had spoken out against the brutality of the
regime” (Women in World History). The nonviolent expression of “truth to power”
(Women in World History) eventually drew international attention, civil rights
groups traveled to Argentina to help open up an office, as well as publish
their own newspaper.
A dramatic political
downturn occurred in March of 1981, when Videla was succeeded by General
Roberto Viola. It was Viola, who towards the end of The Dirty War, lost control
of his military allies and dismissed by Lieutenant General Leopoldo Galtieri
(Britannic a). After launching
the disastrous invasion of the Falkland Islands, Galtieri was removed from
office and replaced by General Reynaldo Bignone on July 1, 182 were he allowed
political parties to resume military activities. During the presidency of
Bignone, armed forces worked to conceal evidence of crimes committed during the
reign of the military junta.
Democracy
was eventually restored to Argentina in 1983 when Raul Alfonsin of the Radical Civic Union (Britannica) won the presidential
election in 1982. Alfonsin “reversed legislations passed by Bignone, by
announcing plans to prosecute several members of the defunct military
government” (Britannica); this included presidents: Videla, Viola, and
Galtieri. Following the plans, Alfonsin also repealed a law granting amnesty to
those accused of crimes and human rights violations during The Dirty War, and
hundreds former military junta personnel were prosecuted (Britannica). With an
increased pressure from the military, President Alfonsin “pushed two amnesty
laws through the National Congress: (1) the full stop law and (2) due obedience
law” (Britannica), granting immunity to hundreds of officers below colonel rank
who were “just following orders” (Rodriguez), and setting a deadline for
introducing new prosecutions; special cases however, like rape or abduction of
babies were exceptions to these new laws.
By
1987, rebellion broke against the new laws, sparking more revolts by 1988.
Alfonsin the present leader at the time, resigned from office and President
Calso Menem took his place. Menem serving from 1989-99 (Britannica), pardoned
Videla and other top officers convicted of “abuses” (Britannica) during the
Dirty War, but later convicted Videla with the kidnapping of infants and
illegal adoption. Videla was placed under house arrest by 1998 and then later
sent to prison in 2008 after a judge revoked his house arrest. In 2005
Argentina’s Supreme Court voted to “repeal the amnesty laws passed by Alfonsin”
(Britannica) charging and convicting hundreds of military officers, followed by
Bignone who was charged with human right abuses and convicted in 2010 to
25-years of jail time. In 2012, Videla, Bignone, and seven others who were
found guilty, Videla, was given 50-years and Bignone 15 years. With Democracy
restored and the needs of the people answered, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo
continue today to track children fallen victim to The Dirty War and through DNA
testing, reunite with lost family members stolen and adopted to military
families. Through their diligent work, both the grandmothers and mothers of
Plaza de Mayo have finally succeeded in seeing “the true perpetrators” (Walker)
and the human rights crimes finally brought to justice.
Rhetorical Analysis:
Motherhood and Cultural Identity
Focusing on the rhetorical
performance associated with the Las Madres of Plaza de Mayo, this section
explores the material culture of the mother’s political symbols and its role on
identity and theatrical performance. The Madres of Plaza de Mayo have a
foundational role in the political activism of Argentina on account for their
theatrical visibility (Peluffo), most evident in their symbolic choice of
attire and material. It is with this “highly theatrical” (Taylor, 184) use of
Egos, Logos, and Pathos in this political movement, that the mothers exploited
the stereotypical characteristics that made this movement successful at all
(Rodriguez). Here in this section, we will explore the rhetorical strategies
behind the Madre’s choice in symbolism, and its powerful contribution to
maternal identity.
The mothers began as a
“self-convened, heterogeneous and pluralistic movement” (Belluci), from
different cultural backgrounds, class, and religious and political views. Representing
a paradigm in the struggle for human dignity and justice, the Las Madres where
a group of “unknown women who demanded to see their children alive, and who
generated a different form of political conscience to do so” (Belluci). By transforming the classic values associated
with politics and maternal identity, the Las Madres began coming out of their
homes and into public life, parting the way for “new forms of civic
participation” (Belluci). Traditionally, in Argentinian
culture, motherhood is restricted to a realm of privacy, where “good mothers”
(Taylor, 195) are invisible and “’public’ women […] are considered prostitutes
or madwomen” (Taylor, 195). The kind of stereotypical identity that defined
motherhood in Argentina, was essential to the rhetorical performances because of
its relation to maternal identity; the theme of the Madres theatrical protests.
The kidnappings and disappearances of their lost children, according to Marysa
Navarro, an activist with the Mother of Plaza de Mayo, were “brutal assaults
[…] against the role as mothers, suddenly deprived of their children, and lives
had lost meaning” (Navarro 256). However, it wasn’t long before the pursuit of
their children brought the mothers out of the dichotomy between invisible and
visible, and into “one of the most visible political discourses of resistance
to terror in Latin-American history (Taylor 194).
The success of the movement derived
majorly in part by the Madre’s effective use of Ethos (or appeal to ethics)
most seen in the allusion, and imagery used in their performances. While not
directly impersonating what they were not, the mothers found a way to
manipulate their way into the political system and achieving their goals.
Highlighting their status as mothers, the Madres of Plaza de Mayo, as seen in
Portillo and Munoz’s documentary, walk the streets of Plaza de Mayo wearing
conservative skirts and eyeglasses, holding large handbags, and their trademark
white kerchiefs (Portillo & Muno). This visually homogenizing display
presented by hundreds of women, is a strategic manipulation of their identity
as mothers. The effectiveness of the “dowdy old woman” costume can be paid
tribute to the patriarchal image of the stereotypical mother, and very much
influenced by the Virgin Mary (Rodriguez). The “dowdy old woman” is a
strategically constructed image of a passive, submissive being, who is highly
respected because of their goodness; it appeals to ethos because of its appeal
to conscience, ethics, morals, values, and principals (Miracosta). In the
beginning of the Dirty War (before Las Madres increased in popularity), mothers
were “implicitly excluded from the different subversive groups” (Navarro)
because of the cultural respect contributed to their identity. Not only did the
costume take advantage of the collective Argentinean psyche, posing like a
shield, and protecting the mothers from military forces, it also acted as a
solution to becoming a “quick-change artist” (Rodriguez). The quick change
allowed for a transition from a dressed down mother to a more traditional
motherly attire in order to escape any potential arrests.
Religion was also utilized in the
performance protests of the Las Madres, more specifically of Mater Dolorosa. Mater
Dolorosa or “Mother of Sorrows”, is one of many names that “recalls the Sorrows
the Virgin Mother of God endured in compassion for the suffering and death of
her Divine Son” (Catholic Patron Saints). Associating themselves with the most
righteous of all women (The Virgin Mary), in which they claim their suffering
was equal, offered them legitimacy, or Logos (Miracosta). In the performances
of the Madre’s, analogies would be made like: “The Virgin Mary had her son in
her arms after he died. We don’t even have their bones,” (Portillo and Munoz)
and comparing the disappearances of their children to the death of Jesus, the
Madres appealed to Logos by appealing to logic through explanation and
presumably based on faith; facts. These kinds of statements used in the
protests were clear messages to the regime that publicly prided themselves on
promoting Christian faith, and family values (Rodriguez). While the Virgin Mary
is considered to be the “passive and submissive mother by excellence”
(Rodriguez), it was hard for the Madres movement to completely shield
themselves behind the symbolic imagery of Mater Dolorosa. Their analogies,
catering to both Logos as it does Ethos (as it appeals to morals, values, and
principles of Argentina’s culture) was not enough to earn the support from the
church (Taylor 196) but in fact the opposite to which they were excluded from
both the Catholic and Jewish faith.
The response of the church and actions of the
Madres go hand in hand with their “unacceptable” (Rodriguez) appeal to Logos
with their symbolic reference to the “mother-lion” (Taylor 199). This execution
of Logos is specifically powerful because the term “mother-lion” associates
itself the natural maternal instinct in which De Bonafini (one of the founders
of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo) states: “If the child (son) is in trouble,
it is the mother who comes to his help. If he’s taken prisoner, it is she who
defends him and visits him in jail” (Taylor, 199). While yes, an incredible
appeal to logos, this kind of symbolic reference to natural instinct also
hinders the rhetorical persuasion of the mothers. The term “natural” referring
to conditions much greater than ourselves, puts the mothers in a position where
they, as women, are regulated by forces stronger than themselves. By stating
they are a figure like that of a “mother-lion”, they are endangering their
pathos appeal because they cannot control their natural instinct to protest
their offspring; it takes a scientific spin on what should be an emotional
pull. Expanding on the rhetorical workings of Pathos, or emotional appeal
(Miracosta), the success of the Madres of Plaza de Mayo movement was largely based
on the emotional pull of the Madres performance. Specifically, their “walking
billboards” (Taylor 183) and adopted performance identity of Mater Dolorosa. In
the political performances of the Madres, dress was not the only political
statement; finding new and creative ways to expand their protest further seemed
to be a natural ability for the mothers. Using their bodies to further engage
in their political audience, the mothers turned themselves into “walking
billboards” (Taylor 183), expressing their sorrow through their shrines
commemorating the loss of their children. Initially, these shrines began with
simple pictures around their neck, but like a plague, these
pictures eventually expanded to cover their tops, coats, and kerchiefs with
images and writings like: the names of their children, the dates of their
birthdays, their disappearances, and pleas for justice (Rodriguez). However, as
time went on, the Madres confidence grew, and these pleas slowly turned into
demands incorporated into their performances from mothers walking around the
Plaza crying, even screaming with very real expressions of grief and loss for their
children (Rodriguez). Referring to the imagery of the documentary by Portillo
and Munoz, disturbing displays of mothers weeping and re-living the terrors of
the Dirty War all contributed to the sympathetic tone the performances try to
capture.
Despite their unsuccessful attempt
to stop the dictatorship, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo’s movement was
successful in the achievement of “visibility to their cause” (Rodriguez). Their
ability to effectively bring international attention through their rhetorical
appeal to Ethos, Logos, and Pathos, they provoked positive change in
Argentinian society; specifically, in the perceived cultural regard to women.
More importantly, showing Argentinian citizen that traditional confinement in
domestic cases, is capable of political power. Their networking and rhetorical
strategy contributed to an increased awareness of human rights laws, and
strategies that, even now, are borrowed from other political groups and used to
help appease domestic violence, sexual harassment, and marriage laws.
Artifact Analysis: White
Kerchiefs
As discussed in the previous
section, motherhood is traditionally restricted in Latin America, where public
women are often associated with prostitutes or madwomen, and invisible mothers
are associated to the idea of ‘good’ mothers (Taylor). So how is it possible,
considering the cultural objections to public performance, that the Madres are
able to carve themselves away from this dichotomy, and go on to become “one of
the most visible political discourses of resistance [ … ] in Latin American
History” (Taylor)? The answer to this question lies within the “highly
theatrical” (Taylor) rhetorical performances brought together by the Madres of
Plaza de Mayo; more specifically, their identity development.
Taking a closer look at the
identity of the Madres of Plaza de Mayo, there is a consistent play on theme
throughout the political performances. Catering to the idea of maternal
identity, the Madre’s use a lot of imagery and symbolism when constructing
their costume design. It is apparent in their protest that the psychological
manipulation of Argentine culture is weighed heavily on the choice of costume
the Madre’s use during their performance. When looking at the term ‘maternal’
it’s safe to associate this term in relation to a mother’s natural instinct to
care for something in need. The term instinct, as follows, can be associated to
that kind of ‘fixed’ pattern of behavior in response to that specific desire.
So when looking at the maternal identity, themed throughout the Madres
political protest, it is important to look at the cultural dynamic of Argentine
society and how that correlates with the identity of the Madres.
The Mothers “non-violent expression
of truth to power”, presents a powerful moral symbol that essentially evolved
from women seeking to protect their children, to wishing to transform the state
to reflect its maternal values (Women in World History). Thanks to the Madres
theatrical nature, they were able to exploit the stereotypical characteristics
of motherhood to get their message across as well as manipulate their way into
the political system. Looking at, for example, the trademark of the mothers
white kerchiefs. Applied as a visually homogenizing factor, the kerchiefs act
as THE symbolic reference to their maternal identity. The white, universally
known as a color of purity, and kerchiefs, symbolizing the diapers of their
lost and disappeared children (Trigona), and the names of the lost sewn into
them as though sewn into their very identity. As seen in the documentary “Las
Madres: The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo” by Susana Munoz and Lourdes Portillo, the
symbolic representation of the white kerchiefs, brought women from all kinds of
socio-economic backgrounds together in a powerful unity that displays both loss
and sorrow, but also of motherhood and hope to those wh o fell victim to the regime.
White kerchiefs while considerably the
most important symbolic representation of maternal identity, the mothers also
manipulate the social standards of Argentine society by dressing as a
respectively ‘innocent’ mother who had just lost their will to carry on. In the
performance of Las Madres, the mothers highlight themselves as “outsiders in
the political system” (Rodriguez) in order to gain access to the system. How
did this happen? By manipulating the maternal identity and stereotypical generalization
adopted by Argentine society, the mothers of Plaza de Mayo can carefully
construct the ‘uniform’ to represent the “patriarchal image” (Rodriguez) of the
typical mother. This kind of manipulation of imagery makes it easy for the
mothers to pull at the emotional heart strings of the government for they too
have mothers who have loved them dearly. The ‘costume’ while incredibly
effective in achieving sympathy and respect by the audience (to the point of if
acting as a shield to protect them from arrests), the maternal identity was not
strong enough to protect them long from the regime.
By utilizing both the white
kerchiefs, writing names of their children, dates of their birthday and times
of disappearances (Rodriguez), the mothers were also able to cater to the moral
values of Argentine society by subconsciously mimicking the looks of The Virgin
Mary. By applying the same characteristics one would apply to The Virgin Mary,
it is more difficult to discredit them because of their credibility based off similar
sorrows. The mothers were able to achieve this kind of imagery not just by
their theatrical performance and marketing, but by their choice in costume.
Christianity, evidence during the Dirty War, was a well-known and followed
religion. Many of the citizens in Argentina were already familiar of the
workings and stories behind the religion, so it’s not surprise that the mothers
would try to replicate The Virgin Mary by wrapping the kerchiefs around their
heads and wearing long skirts. By looking similar to the righteous figure, it
makes it that much more difficult for the audience to morally stop engaging in
their performances, as does it make that much more difficult for the government
to engage because it interferes with their moral values.
The imagery and symbolism used in
the costumes of the Madres were not just strategically planned to appeal only
to the regime. In fact, the Madres of Plaza de Mayo had their eyes on
expansion; spreading the word on an international scale. By making themselves appear
as innocent and victims of an otherwise oppressing government. This kind of
imagery allowed the mothers the opportunity they needed to effectively deliver
the message to outsiders who are in other words, uninformed with the civil
rights violations from the government. A key to the symbolic set-up of the
costumes where to engage in an audience on an international scale and promote
them to ask questions and find out more. That is why it is apparent throughout
the political performances that the Madres make an incredible effort to
completely decorate themselves with the memories of their lost children and
loved one.
The
rhetorical performance of the Madre’s and their play on maternal identity
through costume was effective in achieving the visibility of their cause; while
not necessarily succeeding in achieving their cause. Their visibility to the
public eye in contrast to the private dichotomy, was a political mobilization
for societal change in female identity. While their performance provided the
mothers a new and creative way to perform their own political stance, this
organization is limited in the sense that their role as a mother can only be
pushed so far (Rodriguez). The tool of the motherhood can only be manipulated
to the extent of the audience, and in its own definitive scope. What intervenes
with the political goals and productivity to Argentina, was irrelevant to
motherhood. Even showing great power in spite of their traditional confinement,
to the domestic sphere, and despite the limited scope of their maternal
identity, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo had tarnished the idea of feminine
delicacy and reshaped the societal conditions of their nation and around the
world.
The Mothers of Plaza de mayo,
represents the term “women” and it’s redefinition on the limits of the category
“mother”. Analyzing the discourse in relation to the political identities of society,
and in the context of motherhood, the human rights movement associated with not
just gender perspective, but in the emphasis on the identity of motherhood as
is, can be associated with the complexities of identity. Seen in the Madres of
Plaza de Mayo, their struggle to redefine it’s role as a movement supports the
political dispute of political success in protest.
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