Final Paper

The formatting is very weird and I don't know how to change it and I am sorry!!!

Natalie Polston
ENGL 306
Dr. Steph Brown
6 May 2016
Animal Abuse: Misdemeanor or Felony?
    In many states in North America, it is a misdemeanor to abuse an animal. Each state has its own definition of what qualifies as "abuse," but most center their qualifications around concepts such as intentional torture, inflicting unnecessary injury, and/or neglecting the animal for prolonged periods of time (Allen). In many cases, the culprit can simply pay a fine with no jail service. It is only upon second and third offenses that this crime is considered a felony. Since the range of possibilities is wide and vague, many offenders are able to simply pay a fine then be set free (Allen). Instead, activists could stage a protest to let lawmakers know that animal cruelty is a serious crime and should be treated as such. The main goal of this protest would be for North Dakotans to get Congress to change the classification of animal cruelty in North Dakota from a misdemeanor to a felony.
    The concept of a felony stems from crimes that pose a threat to the public safety and involve "moral turpitude" (Hill). In the situation presented by animal abuse, one task it will need to achieve is convincing North Dakotans that intentionally harming an animal is a serious moral issue. In order to accomplish this goal, a line needs to be drawn directly between animal abuse and other psychiatric disorders. It is rarely a stand-alone act. In a study conducted by medical researchers, it was found that "a history of animal cruelty...was significantly associated with APD [antisocial personality disorder], antisocial personality traits, and polysubstance abuse" (Gleyzer, Felthouse, and Holzer 257). Clearly, if a person is exhibiting cruelty toward an animal, they need psychiatric help (Gleyzer, Felthouse, and Holzer 259). Since their disorder manifests itself violently, they pose a threat to public safety.
    This particular issue is in its period of inception phase. This is because most Americans would agree that harming an animal is not good—there is already a "pre-existing sentiment" (Griffin 11). In “emphasizing existing beliefs [and] values,” this protest will be framed as an Amplification (Heaney and Rojas 244). The same people who are against animal cruelty generally might not agree that it is a crime on par with other felonies such as arson, domestic violence, driving intoxicated, or drug abuse crimes. Participants in this protest would become “aggressor orators and journalists”, since they will be "attempt[ing] to establish" a new classification of crime while destroying the other (Griffin 11). Their opportune moment,or kairos, would lie at any time the House is in session, since they will ideally introduce a bill to change the law through Congress. Since the House does not meet every week throughout the year, it would be wise to choose a time close to June and July, since that is when they meet most frequently (2015 Annual House Calendar).
    The law classifications vary by state, so I am going to focus in on North Dakota. I chose this particular state because it appears, from my research, to be the state with the lowest degree of punishment for offenders. According to North Dakota Century Code 36-21.1-01, “Cruelty to animals is a Class A Misdemeanor with up to $2000 in fines and up to 1 year imprisonment” (North Dakota State Government 1). While this punishment is tangibly hurtful to the offender, it should be worse for the violator of the requirements listed. These include inflictions such as “breaking an animal’s bones; causing the prolonged impairment of an animal’s health; mutilating an animal; or physically torturing an animal” (North Dakota State Government 2). Such activities are not simply horrific—they are indicative of deeper psychological issues that pose a threat to public safety (Gleyzer, Felthouse, and Holzer 260).
Any protest regarding this subject would need to rely heavily on pathos. Since the animals have no way of speaking for on their own behalf, it should be conveyed that it is a human responsibility to protect those who cannot protect themselves. North Dakotans need to be made aware that the horrors inflicted on animals in their state are not being adequately punished in correlation with the severity of the offense. For the beginning parts of this protest, those involved should utilize the concept of “if it bleeds, it leads”—in other words, show the people what abused animals look like, in order to incite more passion toward the law change (DeLuca and Peeples 193). In doing so, the organizers of the protest can accrue support to move forward.
    Then, protesters should utilize their “body rhetoric”—or, to physically occupy a certain space at a particular point to reach a specific goal (Haiman 24). In this case, protesters should take to the North Dakota state capitol in Bismarck (North Dakota State Government). Lawmakers tend listen to their constituents because their constituents are the ones who decide whether or not they maintain their job. So, the more people to physically show up at the capitol, the better the chances that those in power will pay attention to their requests. If the congressmen in the capitol could see just how many citizens of North Dakota felt passionately about this issue, they would be more likely to introduce it to Congress. This also brings the discussion further into the “public sphere,” where it can be discussed by anyone around—thus creating an atmosphere of collaboration and open conversation (DeLuca and Peeples 200). Once the protesters have made themselves visible, they will need to focus in specifically on the North Dakota congressmen.
    The next part will likely be the most difficult: writing a bill and getting it endorsed. If all the aforementioned phases go as planned, the protest will have to move to a more logistical route. In order for the protest goals to be achieved, the law needs to change—and for that to happen, a congressman or congresswoman will have to sponsor a bill to change said law. In this case, the group will have to collaborate to form and exemplify their “collective identity”—or, “a shared sense of 'we-ness' and 'collective agency'” (Snow 2001). In this phase, protesters must decide how they will portray themselves in this bill—as a collective “we the protesters.” Here, they will need to take hold ethos in utilizing research conducted regarding the poor mental state of those abusing animals. Then, they must gain the attention and endorsement of John Hoeven, Heidi Heitkamp, both Senators, or Kevin Cramer, Representative in the House of Representatives. After this is achieved, protesters have done all they can to ensure the law gets changed.
    1) The purpose of this paragraph is to explain what goals the protesters will accomplish         by writing a bill, and the ways in which they must go about doing such.
    2) congressmen: those in charge of deciding whether their bill will become a law
        the group/protesters: those working toward getting the law changed (also highlighted             in green, since protesters counts as a nominalization).
        those abusing animals: the criminals who would be affected by the law change
    3) This is a chained topic string.
    This protest is legal in that protesters would utilize a system already in place in order to improve said system—that is, the process of lawmaking and amending. I anticipate that if all the proper steps are carried out, this protest would likely be effective in achieving its goals. It is ethical because it uses peaceful methods to move toward its goal, and the goal itself deals with morality and an ethical purpose. Finally, it is legible as protest in that it addresses a certain identity in all phases, with a specific goal throughout. In all, this protest is multifaceted yet specific, with high chances of success.
    1) This conclusion doesn’t repeat information or summarize, but assesses it all as a         whole. I chose this form because it shows the effectiveness and addresses the likely         outcome of the protest I created.




Works Cited

"2015 Annual House Calendar." Majorityleader.gov, Kevin McCarthy.

Allen, Mahalley D. "Laying Down the Law? Interest Group Influence on State Adoption of Animal
     Cruelty Felony Laws." Policy Studies Journal 33.3, 2005.

DeLuca, Michael and Jennifer Peeples. "From Public Sphere to Public Screen: Democracy,
    Activism, and the ‘Violence' of Seattle." Readings on the Rhetoric of Social Protest,
    Charles E. Morris III and Stephen H. Brown, 3rd ed.

Gleyzer, Roman, MD, Alan R. Felthouse, MD, and Charles E. Holzer III, PhD. "Animal Cruelty
    and Psychiatric Disorders." Veterinary Forensics: Animal Cruelty Investigations Merck/
    Veterinary Forensics: Animal Cruelty Investigations, Animal Cruelty Forensic Supplies,
    2013.

Heaney and Rojas. "Harnessing the Symbolism of Fayetteville".  Springer Science+Business
    Media, 2006.

Griffin, Leland. "The Rhetoric of Historical Movements." Readings in the Rhetoric of Social
    Protest, Browne, Stephen Howard, and Charles E. Morris lll, eds. State College, Pa:
    Strata Publishing, Inc., 2013.

Haiman, Franklyn S. "Rhetoric of the Streets: Some Legal and Ethical Considerations.”
    Readings in the Rhetoric of Social Protest, Browne, Stephen Howard, and Charles E.
    Morris III, eds. State College, PA: Strata Publishing, Inc., 2013.

Hill, Gerald, and Kathleen Hill. "Felony." Law.com Legal Dictionary.

North Dakota State Legislators. "CHAPTER 36 - 21.2—TREATMENT OF ANIMALS." North
    Dakota State Government: 1-6, 2015, North Dakota.

Treré, Emiliano. "Reclaiming, Proclaiming, and Maintaining Collective Identity in the #YoSoy132
    Movement in Mexico: An Examination of Digital Frontstage and Backstage Activism
    through Social Media and Instant Messaging Platforms." Information, Communication,
    and Society, Taylor and Francis, 2015.

new MLA Format citation

Bierne, Piers. Confronting animal abuse: law, criminology, and human-animal relationships. JSTOR, Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009.

Historical Context

Natalie Polston

Dr. Brown

ENGL 306

7 April 2016

Historical Context

            The Purple Rain Protest took place in Cape Town, South Africa on September 2^nd, 1989. While apartheid in South Africa had been prevalent for many years, it came to a culmination on that day and made a profound statement about the majority’s attitude about apartheid. South African history is unique in that it is often referred to as the “most protest-rich country in the world" (CIA World Factbook). The Purple Rain Protest occurred in a historical and political context in which protest was not only necessary, but also common. Coming out of hundreds of years of oppression, the protesters’ position stands as one that had been held by many, across numerous centuries.

Oppression has been interwoven in the history of South Africa by European colonization as early as the 17^th Century (Crais 31). Portuguese, British, Dutch, and French colonizers were interested in South Africa for its lucrative resources such as spices and minerals (Crais 35). They engaged in and initiated numerous wars with South African indigenous peoples in attempts to thwart their land. British forces were ultimately successful in obtaining land and power due to their advanced military strength and techniques. The indigenous South Africans were continually subjugated by various European settlers, therefore creating the attitudes and habits that would eventually lead to apartheid (Feinberg).

After years of Europeans fighting over who would get the land in South Africa, Great Britain prevailed and the British Commonwealth obtained South Africa and deemed it the Union of South Africa in 1910 (The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica). During that time, the country formed a congress, giving the government greater autonomy and legitimacy (O’Meara). With the election of a new prime minister, 1924 brought the first stint of power held by the National Party (The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica). The National Party is defined by its favor to white South Africans, as well as its emphasis on separation of races within the country. At the onset of World War II, however, the Party fell out of power, only to resurface later (O’Meara).

By the beginning of the 20^th Century, much of blacks’ land was controlled by the white minority. This is shown by the fact that at that time, natives owned only 7% of the land in South Africa (Feinberg). 1948 brought new rule to South Africa: the National Party (Beinart 166). In its rule, this party enforced the attitudes and regulations of segregation created by European rule in the colonial era. The root of the Purple Rain Protest lies in the power of the National Party. Apartheid was created and enforced by the National Party and grew the policy during their time of power.

In order to understand what the protesters were concerned with, it is vital to understand the implications of the policy of apartheid. In Afrikaans, apartheid translates to “apartness” (The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica).  In essence, apartheid is sanctioned racial segregation. It allows for whites in South Africa to dominate political, educational, and economic arenas, while any nonwhites are discriminated against. Interestingly, whites are the minority race in South Africa, comprising only around 20% of the country (Beinart 280). In effect, apartheid separated South Africa by race, and then divided them spatially. Clearly, this presented a huge problem for the non-white majority.

In regard to the location of the protest, Cape Town is the one of three capitals of South Africa, and serves as the legislative capital of the country (MacKinnon 315). It is the 6^th largest city in the country, but is the city with the most political presence (Statistics South Africa). Protesters gathered in Cape Town because that’s where the political leaders of the time would have been—they entered into that space in order to be heard. Because of its proximity to political action and proceedings, Cape Town is the site of many important South African protests (Goedertier).

It is significant to recognize South Africa’s history and continuing culture of protest (Lodge and Mottiar 7). Protest as a method for change and the attitudes associated with it carry even into recent events, with prominent protests occurring as recently as early 2016 (CNN). Formerly, these sorts of rebellions would manifest themselves in war (Crais 32). So, the desire for change has always existed on the part of the oppressed—since the beginnings of colonization, non-white South Africans have fought against their oppressors. However in the late 20^th and early 21^st centuries, protest has become the vehicle for voicing these demands for change.              

The Purple Rain Protest serves as a sort of hinge for South African social and political change. There are hundreds of years of oppression that lead up to it: from colonization by Europeans all the way to apartheid and post-apartheid segregation and discrimination. Subsequently, the events following even 30 years after the protest show that protest as a political form grew following the Purple Rain Protest. It is a marker of both what had gone before and what was to come in the future of South Africa (Archer and Stent).

1. Is the identity of the protest's participants illustrated in this draft?
2. Are the sources used relevant and helpful for explaining and exploring the historical and rhetorical context of the specific protest?
4. Is the context explained to such a degree that a person with no prior knowledge on the subject could understand what this paper is discussing?
3. What suggestions for revisions would you make?

NATALIE: Is there a clear connection between the historical and political context of South Africa and the specific type of protest exhibited in the Purple Rain Protest?
SAM: Is there enough historical context given?
TIARA: Does the rhetorical and historical context given accurately connect to the idea of professional development vs. service-orientation in teaching?
MILENA: How do I tie in the identity of the human protesters with the identity of the whales they are protesting on behalf of?

Research Question

In what ways did the Purple Rain Protest culminate and bring to a head the years of apartheid in South Africa as a whole?

Purple Rain Protest -- Questions of Place

• Cape Town, South Africa and England are important to my protest--I'm focusing mostly on Cape Town.
• People associate Cape Town with beautiful landscape and an urban city. Most people know that it is a South African city, and an important one (as the legislative capital of the country).
• The protest most likely changed the way people viewed Cape Town--the protest gave air to an existing problem that people generally associate with government. Protesters used the love Cape Town residents have for their city to perpetuate their message. The Purple Rain protest probably changed the way people saw how their city was being run, and gave them motivation to change that.

Place, Space and Geography in Social Movements and Multivalent Meanings and the Scope of Conflict

1. Place, Space and Geography in Social Movements

• increased recognition of the importance of space in a social movements because:

• to get people to join the movement--if surroundings don't support

• locations can be symbolic--ex. March on Washington to the Lincoln Memorial became representative of having voice heard, Lincoln a symbol of freedom

2. Multivalent Meanings and the Scope of Conflict

• symbolism affects progress of movement 

• "The outcome of any conflict is determined by the extent to which the audience becomes involved in it" (p. 246) -- where the protest is happening and how much space they claim will determine how many people will be involved.

Framing can happen outside of location--however, location and place can make or break a movement. Ideas have different meanings in different places, particularly in regard to morals and values. Place greatly affects the perception of framing. Movement leaders can use a place to frame an argument.

Key terms:
1. Multivalent: having many different interpretations, meanings, or values

• scale: national, regional, and local level of engagement

2. Credence: belief in or acceptance of something as true

Purple Rain Protest

1. On September 2nd, 1989 in Cape Town, South Africa, Mass Democratic movement supporters marched as an anti-apartheid protest.

2. This particular protest has an interesting identity: not only was it for those who directly affected by the apartheid in South Africa, it was also for those in England who were enabling the situation to progress (I would like to focus on those actually protesting on the streets of Cape Town). This is significant because it is widespread--the power for change was primarily held by people who weren't physically there. This tie is most important to the protesters because their scope is quite wide.

3. The group I'm looking at participated by marching in the protest.

4. My main concerns have to do with identifying and narrowing a definition of those who participated. There doesn't seem to be one type of person, other than South African, participating. I hope I can find a way to identify that specific identity and tie it with the exact protest I'm talking about. I think the most difficult part of this project, for me, will be finding sources and creating an annotated bibliography (since I've never made one before).

Stewart Historical vs Rhetorical Context

Historical Context:
1. An important church within the Civil Rights Movement was bombed only weeks after the large March on Washington, causing a premature end to the successful feeling the march left in the protestors.
"Three weeks after the march, racists bombed the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, a center of movement activity, during Sunday services and killed four young girls" (490).

2. Meredith was leading a Mississippi tour to promote voting amongst the African American population. After only two days, he was injured and so the tour was taken up by Martin Luther King Jr and other important black leader.
"On the second day of his march, Meredith was shot from ambush by a white racist" (491).

3. At a turning point in the movement in 1965, Martin Luther King Jr. called off a march to avoid loss of innocent life which heightened bad feelings between the participants.
"Disillusionment with movement leaders and their white liberal allies escalated in March 1965 when participants in the Selma to Montgomery march were beaten and Martin Luther King Jr. turned the march around a few days later rather than risk bloodshed from heavily armed police waiting for the marchers" (490).

4. Protesters were forbidden from staying overnight legally by illegal force on the part of state police. Stokely Carmichael resisted this action by the police. As a result, he was arrested.
"That moment arrived on June 17 in Greenwood, Mississippi--the heart of SNCC country--when state troopers decided that marchers could not put up their sleeping tents on the grounds of a black high school, even though they have permission to do so, and arrested Stokely Carmichael when he ignored their order "(491).

5. In 1964, there was massive bloodshed for the sake of the movement. It included fatal and wounding casualties.
"Summer of 1964 there were six murders, thirty-five shootings, sixty-five bombings and burnings of homes, businesses, and churches, and at least eighty recorded beatings" (490).

Rhetorical Context:

1. Carmichael decides to use the term "Black Power" during a turning point in the Civil Rights Movement (491).

2. "Malcolm toured the country during the spring and summer of 1964 giving differing versions of the "Ballot or the Bullet" speech in which he addressed the growing frustrations of black Americans with the failure of government…" (490).

3. "Yes, had you marching back and forth between the feet of a dead man named Lincoln and another dead man named George Washington, singing "We shall overcome" (490).

I Am Woman Final Draft

Natalie Polston

Dr. Brown

ENGL306

7 March 2016

“I Am Woman, Hear Me Roar”

            The year 1975 was met by the United Nations declaring it International Women’s Year, its anthem: “I Am Woman.” Written and performed by Helen Reddy, the song serves as a marker of the development of Women’s Liberation (Women’s Lib) in 1970s. While former movements focused on women’s voting rights and citizenship, 1970s feminism honed in on women’s rights over their bodies, equal pay, and similar issues. Much of the work of this movement needed to stem from awareness. This is why Helen Reddy’s classic song was well timed and well-said. Her anthem serves to prove the power of women not only in the music industry, but also on the world stage. Reddy, in her riveting anthem, sought to both inform and inspire a weary generation of women who sought greater for themselves.

            Looking at women’s rights in the United States today, it seems that women have come quite a long way. Most wouldn’t think that readily available commodities such as contraception were once illegal. Progressions such as legalization of contraception in the early 1900s seem didn’t come out of nowhere—those progressions resulted from women who sought for themselves what they wanted and had rights to. However, with fresh challenges and a remaining list of inequalities, the women of the 1970s were faced with unique and intimidating obstacles. Those who were part of Women’s Lib chose their first mode of action: to make others aware of the oppression that was still occurring. They set out to “[break] the silences which were so pervasive” (Stopper 75). If people could be aware of what was happening, they may be much more susceptible to joining the fight against it. Reddy’s goal of awareness is clear in the lyrics

I am woman, hear me roar
In numbers too big to ignore

And I know too much to go back an' pretend
'Cause I've heard it all before
And I've been down there on the floor
No one's ever gonna keep me down again.

Here, it’s clear that her conviction is that if everyone, particularly women, knew full what they were going through, they wouldn’t be able to go back to old ways. It’s evident that awareness is a large portion of the work this song sought to achieve.

            In order to achieve her goals of awareness and inspiration, Reddy used ethos, pathos, and kairos both in the lyrics of her song and in its release. The 1970s were a time where women got a lot of attention—and that was no accident. With major court cases like Roe v. Wade taking place in the early 1970s, it makes sense that the United States would be more tuned in to the rights of women. The decision of Roe v. Wade gave women the right to an abortion,  “I Am Woman” gained its popularity just two years after the Roe v. Wade decision, while the country’s head was still turned in that direction. Although the effects of Roe v. Wade could be interpreted as either positive or negative, people were paying attention to women. Reddy certainly utilized kairos in that her song fell on the world’s ears at the right moment in time. It was a song known to bring women “much needed clarity and inspiration” (Arrow 213). In a time where, even after much progress, women were still oppressed, “I Am Woman” catalyzed motivation to carry on.

            In past women’s movements, women have been forced to go against popular culture. Equality of women was not a popular idea, and therefore women had to step outside of culture in order to be heard. However, with mass media growing, along with it grew accessibility to new ideas. By and large, Women’s Lib tried to take hold of the media and “the rise of cultural studies from the late 1970s saw a less adversarial relationship develop between feminism and popular culture” (Arrow 215). By joining an already established institution of popular culture, Reddy utilized ethos. While mass media still enforced gender inequality, Reddy saw the power it had to influence minds. 

             She demonstrated women’s presence and power in the music industry when she won a Grammy for “I Am Woman.” In 1972, her Grammy award for Best Female Pop Vocal Performance established Reddy as a feminist in the music industry (Gaar 120). This effectively put to action Reddy's ethos—that her stance as a pop star, woman, and feminist, was, in effect, validated by the accomplishment of a Grammy. "I Am Woman" was put on a nationwide scale at the onset of its Grammy win, and with it, all that it stands for. Being recognized at such an institution greatly increased her credibility and stature as an artist. In addition, it widespread her message and the heart's call of many women.

            Though 1970s feminists were beginning to take hold of some of the power encapsulated in mass media, this new mindset was severely underrepresented in music. According to Reddy, at the time there were no female empowerment songs. She commented, “I finally realized I was going to have to write the song myself because it simply didn’t exist. And that was the genesis of ‘I Am Woman’. It was my statement as a feminist” (Reddy in Gaar, 122). Not only was the song significant for Reddy personally, it stood as a reference point—breaking the ground for feminism to be represented in music. Through her Grammy win and increased renown, Helen Reddy stood tall as a “superstar and feminist” (Wells 1973, 25). She used her celebrity to grow her activism, rather than shrinking back for fear of reproach.

            The song’s lyrics are powerful and evocative. Riveting lines such as, “Oh yes I am wise, but it's wisdom born of pain,” are sentiments to which all women can relate. The song spoke for a national feeling had by women that hadn’t yet been articulated in music. The song utilizes pathos in both the lyrics and the music itself. Particularly enthralling are the last lines of the song: “I am invincible, I am strong, I am woman.” Words like these are utterly empowering, and show women in a different light. She reminded her audience that being a woman is something to be proud of—women are shrouded in this irrevocable strength and resilience. The music of the song grows as Reddy proudly belts, “I am woman, hear me roar.” The tune is simple, and the chorus is catchy as to be easily learned by any who listen.

Reddy put effectively feelings into words, because “for many women, listening to ‘I Am Woman’ was a way of connecting with some of the goals of feminism as they were articulated in popular culture, especially taking pride in womanliness, and female economic independence” (Arrow 223). In many cases, it gave women a new way to think about men, one another, and themselves (Arrow 226). In a cultural world where women’s voices were silenced frequently, “I Am Woman” was a banner and reference point—not only for women but also for men. It’s clear that her audience is broad when, in the song, she has a “long long way to go, until I make my brother understand.”

“I Am Woman” created and defined what was a feminist anthem. More than that, it was a source of simultaneous comfort and empowerment for women in the 1970s and beyond. In a time when women were denied of much, this song allowed them to celebrate the glory of being a woman, regardless of how she is treated. Yet in that, Reddy reminded women that they need not accept whatever treatment other give them—therefore spurring on the Women’s Liberation movement of the 1970s. She used a major part of culture to change the culture, at the opportune time, and with the most fitting words.

Works Cited

Arrow, Michelle. "‘It Has Become My Personal Anthem’." Australian Feminist Studies 22.53 (2007): 213-30. JSTOR. Web.

Gaar , Gillian. 1992. She's a rebel: The history of women in rock & roll. New York: Seal Press.

Reddy, Helen. The Woman I Am: A Memoir. New York: J.P. Tarcher/Penguin, 2006. Print.

Sink, Nancy. "Women's Liberation Movement." Women's Liberation Movement. N.p., Dec. 2008. Web.

Stopper, Anne, and Marianne Hartigan. "The Catalyst for Women's Lib." Books Ireland 284 (2006): 75. JSTOR. Web.

"I Am Woman, Hear Me Roar"

Natalie Polston

Dr. Brown

ENGL306

23 February 2016

“I Am Woman, Hear Me Roar”

            The year 1975 was met by the United Nations declaring it International Women’s Year, and its anthem: “I Am Woman.” Written and performed by Helen Reddy, the song serves as a marker of the development of Women’s Liberation (Women’s Lib) in the 1970s. While former movements focused on women’s voting rights and citizenship, 1970s feminism honed in on women’s rights over their bodies, equal pay, and similar issues. Much of the work of this movement needed to stem from awareness. This is why Helen Reddy’s classic song was well timed and well-said. Her anthem serves to prove the power of women not only in the music industry, but also on the world stage.

            Looking at women’s rights in the United States today, it may be difficult for some to believe that women were previously more oppressed than now. For example, contraception was once illegal. Progressions such as legalization of contraception were the result of tough fights fought by strong women. However, with fresh challenges and a remaining list of inequalities, the women of the 1970s were faced with unique and intimidating obstacles. Those who were part of Women’s Lib chose their first mode of action: to make others aware of the oppression that was still occurring. They set out to “[break] the silences which were so pervasive” (Stopper 75). If people could be aware of what was happening, they may be much more susceptible to joining the fight against it. Reddy’s goal of awareness is clear in the lyrics

I am woman, hear me roar
In numbers too big to ignore

And I know too much to go back an' pretend
'Cause I've heard it all before
And I've been down there on the floor
No one's ever gonna keep me down again.

Here, it’s clear that her conviction is that if everyone, particularly women, knew full what they were going through, they wouldn’t be able to go back to old ways. It’s evident that awareness is a large portion of the work this song sought to achieve.

            The 1970s were a time where women got a lot of attention—and that was no accident. With major court cases like Roe v. Wade taking place in the early 1970s, it makes sense that the United States would be more tuned in to the rights of women. “I Am Woman” gained its popularity just two years after the Roe v. Wade decision, while the country’s head was still turned in that direction. Reddy certainly utilized kairos in that her song fell on the world’s ears at the right moment in time. It was a song known to bring women “much needed clarity and inspiration” (Arrow 213). In a time where, even after much progress, women were still oppressed, “I Am Woman” catalyzed motivation to carry on.

            In past women’s movements, women have been forced to go against popular culture. Equality of women was not a popular idea, and therefore women had to step outside of culture in order to be heard. However, with mass media growing in the 1970s, along with it grew accessibility to new ideas. By and large, Women’s Lib tried to take hold of the media and “the rise of cultural studies from the late 1970s saw a less adversarial relationship develop between feminism and popular culture” (Arrow 215). By joining an already established institution of popular culture, Reddy utilized ethos. While mass media still enforced gender inequality, Reddy saw the power it had to influence minds.

            Though 1970s feminists were only beginning to take hold of some of the power encapsulated in mass media, this new mindset was severely underrepresented in music. According to Reddy, at the time there were no female empowerment songs. She commented, “I finally realized I was going to have to write the song myself because it simply didn’t exist. And that was the genesis of ‘I Am Woman’. It was my statement as a feminist” (Reddy, in Gaar 1992, 122). Not only was the song significant for Reddy personally, it stood as a reference point—breaking the ground for feminism to be represented in music. Even through her Grammy win, Helen Reddy stood tall as a “superstar and feminist” (Wells 1973, 25). She used her celebrity to grow her activism, rather than shrinking back for fear of reproach.

            The song’s lyrics are powerful and evocative. Riveting lines such as, “Oh yes I am wise, but it's wisdom born of pain,” are sentiments to which all women can relate. The song spoke for a national feeling had by women that hadn’t yet been articulated in music. The song utilizes pathos in both the lyrics and the music itself. Particularly enthralling are the last lines of the song: “I am invincible, I am strong, I am woman.” Words like these are utterly empowering, and show women in a different light. She reminded her audience that being a woman is something to be proud of—women are shrouded in this irrevocable strength and resilience. The music of the song grows as Reddy proudly belts, “I am woman, hear me roar.” The tune is simple, and the chorus is catchy as to be easily learned by any who listen.

Reddy effectively put feelings into words, because “for many women, listening to ‘I Am Woman’ was a way of connecting with some of the goals of feminism as they were articulated in popular culture, especially taking pride in womanliness, and female economic independence” (Arrow 223). In many cases, it gave women a new way to think about men, one another, and themselves (Arrow 226). In a cultural world where women’s voices were silenced frequently, “I Am Woman” was a banner and reference point—not only for women but also for men. It’s clear that her audience is broad when, in the song, she has a “long long way to go, until I make my brother understand.”

“I Am Woman” created and defined what was a feminist anthem. More than that, it was a source of simultaneous comfort and empowerment for women in the 1970s and beyond. In a time when women were denied of much, this song allowed them to celebrate the glory of being a woman, regardless of how she is treated. Yet in that, Reddy reminded women that they need not accept whatever treatment others give them—therefore spurring on the Women’s Liberation movement of the 1970s. She used a major part of culture to change the culture, at the opportune time, and with the most fitting words.

Works Cited

Arrow, Michelle. "‘It Has Become My Personal Anthem’." Australian Feminist Studies 22.53 (2007): 213-30. JSTOR. Web.

Sink, Nancy. "Women's Liberation Movement." Women's Liberation Movement. N.p., Dec. 2008. Web.

Stopper, Anne, and Marianne Hartigan. "The Catalyst for Women's Lib." Books Ireland 284 (2006): 75. JSTOR. Web.

Comments for Essay 2

Comments for Essay 2:

*Macrolevel Critiques*

1. Create a precise thesis for each part of the paper and use it to organize and inform the rest of the paper.

2. Less context, more content. The explication is too context heavy. The paper reads like a summary instead of an analysis of the object.

3. Using only one source is not the most credible way to write a persuasive essay. More sources would allow the reader to trust the arguments being made.

"The Battle in Seattle" analysis

1. Deluca and Peeples certainly emphasize the appearance of the people protesting. Seattle contains huge corporations who were all involved in one way or another. WTO and other corporations provided corporate sponsorship for the supposedly peaceful protests. Because of the presence of such important world leaders, the protesters knew the world would be watching.

2. Corporations invested over $250,000 to gain "access to heads of state, ministers, and delegates" (193). Additionally, the WTO meetings received 10:40 and 13:10 minutes of airtime (195). Again on 197, Deluca and Peeples emphasize how much media perpetuated and changed the public's view of the protests as they "provoke in an instant the shock of the familiar made strange." In terms of the actual effect of the exposure, they use a quote from the trade commissioner: "What's happening outside is having an effect on the negotiations" (197).

3. Yes -- the coverage of the news helped the protesters, and Deluca and Peeples have plenty of evidence to support that. They use a combination of numbers, quotes, and other evidences to get across the same point.

4. In addition to the main points from #1, the publicly perceived elements of Seattle as a "progressive haven" were drastically changed by the protests that took place there (197). Full quote: "Finally the symbolic violence and uncivil disobedience of protesters exposed the violence of the state and transnational capital as the allegedly progressive haven of Seattle cracked down with a show of force worthy of 1960s Birmingham or Los Angeles" (197-198)

5. None of us knew anything about this situation before reading this article, so it was especially persuasive for us. Although Deluca and Peeples use a bit of hyperbole, it's done obviously enough that this article was quite effective. Our feelings are summed up in the quote from the end, "You stare at a television and you see logos and you're in a daze and these symbols pop up everywhere in your life. When that is shattered, it breaks a spell and we're trying to get people to wake up before it's too late" (198).

Reactionary

Definition: A reactionary attitude is a form of perception based primarily upon speed, emotions, and appearance. According to Deluca and Peeples, this view focuses on immediate reactions of the consumer rather than deliberation or facts.

Example: A person watching a tragic Sarah Mclachlan ASPCA commercial concedes to donate as the phone number flashes on the TV in a moment of sympathy in reaction to photos of crying puppies.

 

Photo from: http://www.ispot.tv/ad/7VSI/aspca-neglect-and-abused-animals

Example from text: Deluca and Peeples criticize this view when they write, "Such a frame unnecesarily limits understanding of the possibilities of participatory politics in a mass-mediated society" (Deluca and Peeple 189).


Citations: DeLuca, Kevin M., and Jennifer Peeples. "From Public Sphere to Public Screen: Democracy, Activism, and the "Violence" of Seattle." (2002): 1. Web. 5 Feb. 2016.

Pathos

Definition: A rhetorical appeal to emotion.

Example: Sarah McLachlan's ASPCA commercial, which shows dying and sad dogs in an attempt to persuade it's audience through emotion.

From the Text: In Dr. Martin Luther King Jr's "I Have Been To The Moutaintop" speech, he employs pathos when he talks about seeing the promise land. This is to inspire audience to keep them motivated and give them hope for the future and what is to come.