Historical Context

Los Desaparecidos: Fighting Terror with Terror
(Historical Context)

In the beginning, Argentina was vulnerable, economic conditions were unstable, and for the junta, the opportunity of power had arrived. The Junta however, was not the “first threat to democracy” (Word Press). In September of 1955, the three military branches revolted, forcing President Juan Peron into exile and imposed by a new leader, Juan Carlos Ongania in 1966. It was not long until former president Juan Peron emerged from exile in 1973 and demanded rain until his death in 1974 where he left his wife, Isabel Martinez de Peron to power (Word Press). Traditionally in Latin America, motherhood was “restricted to the realm of the private […] where “’public women […] are considered prostitutes or madwomen” (Diane Taylor). Naturally, it wasn’t long before Isabel was ousted by a new military dictatorship lead by Jorge Videla, leader of the junta in 1976 (BBC Timeline of Argentina).

As a result of the “political instability, there was a lack of economic regulation” (Word Press) in thus, created an economic downturn in Argentina. By 1975, inflation had risen by 300% and gave way to protests, strikes and terrorist violence leaving hundreds dead (Word Press). Videla, taking advantage of Argentina’s “Process of National Reorganization”, and chaotic state, came to power with the intention of completely reforming the Argentinian society to “fit their conservative, militarized, Catholic vision” (Word Press). The three-man military junta “closed the National Congress, imposed censorship, banned trade unions, and brought state and municipal government under military control” (Britannica). This reform was the mark of a dark period known as The Dirty War, targeting any left-wing “terrorist” that threated their goal and hundreds of clandestine detention camps where “thousands of people were jailed and persecuted” (Britannica).

To Videla however, terrorist were not defined “as someone who threw grenades” (Word Press) but as anyone who resented the newly adopted “western, Christian values” (Rodriguez). Despite the claims of attempts to relinquish any guerrilla activity, the junta targeted mostly “young students, and blue-collar workers” (Rodriguez) also known as “Subversives” (Women in World History). Many of these subversives vanished without a trace, records obliterated, and left alive only in the memories and hearts of their family and friends.

These disappearances however, was not the outcome of a tragic accident, in September of 1976 was marked as The Night of the Pencils (BBC) in which a series of “kidnapping and forced disappearances” were often followed by “the torture, rape, and murder of a number of young students” (Word Press). The Night of the Pencils was a direct response to the protests of student members of the Union de Estudiantes Secundarios (Union of High School Students) who protested against the government, demanding education and political reform (Women in World History). These acts were identified as “left-wing threats” (Word Press) to the ideal society by the government and the students were held for months in illegal detention centers. These students were tortured, raped, and murdered (Word Press) before their bodies were disposed of in rural areas or unmarked graves (Sibilla).

Discrimination was not a characteristic in the military junta, the victim’s nationality, age and sex, “let alone their social, cultural or religious affiliation” did not really matter (Belluci).  Children born of imprisoned mothers were adopted to local government families illegally, and documents destroyed, hindering any efforts for families: fathers, mothers, and grandmothers to find their lost loved ones and stolen children/grandchildren (Women in World History). Usually carried out by groups of military and police commandos, some uniforms, and others in plain clothes (Belluci) the junta broke into and searched homes, kidnapped whoever they found, and if victims survived the “search and seize operation” (Belluci), they were taken to the concentration camps or torture centers “where they were tortured and chained until their fate was decided” (Belluci). Families have been denied the right to mourn over their victims, babies that were born in detention (or arrested with their parents) were later put up for illegal adoption, and often given to high rank military families (Belluci).

Fear prevented any discussion over the inhumane actions of the military government, leftist guerrillas, (widely active in the country in the late 1960’s) maintaining the countries reputation and civil war claim, receive little to no public opposition. It was not until 1977 (Women in World History), did a response movement known as the “Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo” arise with signs, photos, and names of their disappeared children calling “international attention to the plight” (Britannica) of the disappeared and civil rights violations. Strong pockets of opposition and resistance appeared within human rights organizations following the Las Madres, as well as in some unions, and among thousands of Argentinians in exile (Belluci).

In the face of the disappearance of their children, a group of mothers lead by Hebe Bonafini (NACLA), began meeting every Thursday “in the large Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, the site of Argentina’s government” (Women in World History); this continued until 2006 (Britannica). It was at these meetings, that the mothers demanded information on their children, initiating non-violent demonstrations, and chanting “We want our children; we want them to tell us where they are!” and “No matter what our children think they should not be tortured!” (Women in World History).  The mother’s simple request and demands for prosecution was the first time “any of the public had spoken out against the brutality of the regime” (Women in World History). The nonviolent expression of “truth to power” (Women in World History) eventually drew international attention, civil rights groups traveled to Argentina to help open up an office, as well as publish their own newspaper.

A dramatic political downturn occurred in March of 1981, when Videla was succeeded by General Roberto Viola. It was Viola, who towards the end of The Dirty War, lost control of his military allies and dismissed by Lieutenant General Leopoldo Galtieri (Britannica). After launching the disastrous invasion of the Falkland Islands, Galtieri was removed from office and replaced by General Reynaldo Bignone on July 1, 182 were he allowed political parties to resume military activities. During the presidency of Bignone, armed forces worked to conceal evidence of crimes committed during the reign of the military junta.

Democracy was eventually restored to Argentina in 1983 when Raul Alfonsin of the Radical Civic Union (Britannica) won the presidential election in 1982. Alfonsin “reversed legislations passed by Bignone, by announcing plans to prosecute several members of the defunct military government” (Britannica); this included presidents: Videla, Viola, and Galtieri. Following the plans, Alfonsin also repealed a law granting amnesty to those accused of crimes and human rights violations during The Dirty War, and hundreds former military junta personnel were prosecuted (Britannica). With an increased pressure from the military, President Alfonsin “pushed two amnesty laws through the National Congress: (1) the full stop law and (2) due obedience law” (Britannica), granting immunity to hundreds of officers below colonel rank who were “just following orders” (Rodriguez), and setting a deadline for introducing new prosecutions; special cases however, like rape or abduction of babies were exceptions to these new laws.

By 1987, rebellion broke against the new laws, sparking more revolts by 1988. Alfonin the present leader at the time, resigned from office and President Calso Menem took his place. Menem serving from 1989-99 (Britannica), pardoned Videla and other top officers convicted of “abuses” (Britannica) during the Dirty War, but later convicted Videla with the kidnapping of infants and illegal adoption. Videla was placed under house arrest by 1998 and then later sent to prison in 2008 after a judge revoked his house arrest. In 2005 Argentina’s Supreme Court voted to “repeal the amnesty laws passed by Alfonsin” (Britannica) charging and convicting hundreds of military officers, followed by Bignone who was charged with human right abuses and convicted in 2010 to 25-years of jail time. In 2012, Videla, Bignone, and seven others who were found guilty, Videla, was given 50-years and Bignone 15 years. With Democracy restored and the needs of the people answered, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo continue today to track children fallen victim to The Dirty War and through DNA testing, reunite with lost family members stolen and adopted to military families. Through their diligent work, both the grandmothers and mothers of Plaza de Mayo have finally succeeded in seeing “the true perpetrators” (Walker) and the human rights crimes finally brought to justice.

Citation Page

Anonymous. “Struggle for Human Rights Continues in Argentina.” North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA). July/Aug. 2001. Print.

“Argentina’s History and The Dirty War.” MadresMayo.Wordpress.com. Twenty Eleven Theme, 2012. Web. 5 Mar. 2016.

Belluci, Mabel. “Childless Motherhood: Interview with Nora Cortinas, a Mother of the Plaza De Mayo, Argentina.” Reproductive Health Matters 7.13 (1999): 83-88. Web. 30 Mar. 2016.

The Editors of Encylopædia Britannica. “Dirty War.” Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica. Web. 1 Mar. 2016.

Goldman, Francisco, “Children of the Dirty War,” New Yorker Magazine, March 19. 2012. Pp. 54-65.

Rodriguez, Gilda. “The Political Performance of Motherhood: Las Madres De Plaza De Mayo.” The Political Performance of Motherhood: Las Madres De Plaza De Mayo. Serendip, 07 Sept. 2010. Web. 1 Apr. 2016.

Sibilla, Chris. “Moments in U.S. Diplomatic History.” Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training. ADST. Web. 5 Mar. 2016.

“Speaking Truth to Power: Madres of the Plaza De Mayo.” Women in World History. Women in World History Curriculum. Web. 01 Apr. 2016.

Taylor, Diana. “Trapped in Bad Scripts: The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo”. Disappearing Acts. Spectacles of Gender and Nationalism in Argentina’s “Dirty War.” Duke Univ. Press: 1997. 183-222.

Walker, Suzannah Wolf. “Los Desaparecidos – “The Disappeared” of Buenos Aires, Argentina – 1976-1983.” HubPages. HubPages, 14 Nov. 2015. Web. 10 Mar. 2016.