1. What was the protest? If it was part of a larger
movement, where are you drawing the boundaries around your project?
The People Power Protest of 1986 took place in the
Philippines. President Ferdinand Marcos, a middle-class descendent who had a
large IQ and a shrewd personality, was elected in 1965 to defeat the incumbent
from the other party who had poor economic control over the country, leading to
destitution for many Filipinos. Although Marcos was called a president, he actually
played the part of a dictator, calling into action Marshall Law when people
began to rebel against his administration. He ruled for 20 years, although his
administration was fraught with protests and scandal, before a sizable revolution
began after the assassination of his primary enemy, Benigno Aquino in 1983.
Cory Aquino, Benigno’s wife, became the leader of the
revolution after coming out of exile, and was nominated to run against Marcos
in his snap elections during the years of 1985-1986. Marcos is overthrown after
both he and Aquino claim success on Election Day. Marcos and his wife escape
the Philippines to live in America, but are eventually indicted by the US
Supreme Court for embezzlement and fraud. Marcos dies not long after. Aquino
and her staff take over the role of President, much to the relief of most
Filipinos (Goodno xiii).
2. Why do you believe that this identity is tied to this
protest in a significant way? For whom is this tie significant?
I have chosen the identity of Catholic Filipinos because 84
percent of the Filipino population self-identifies as Roman Catholic (Davis 156).
The massive presence of Catholicism is due to the early history of Spanish
colonialism in the Philippines. Once the Philippines became a sovereign nation,
Catholicism was deeply ingrained into their society. The Church often butt
heads with Marcos’s administration because the Church had a lot of power over
the Filipino people. The support of human rights and anti-violent tactics was
seen as a threat to Marcos (Youngblood 93). Of course within Catholicism, there
were different factions, which were either for or against the Marcos’
government. For the most part, ultra-conservatives and conservatives were the
least likely to speak out against Marcos and his human rights violations.
Conservatives encompassed the majority of those who were religious (Davis
163-164). Moderates and progressives were similar in that they believed that
human rights were important and that real change needed to happen politically.
The largest difference between the two factions would be that moderates did not
believe that violence should be used under any circumstance, whereas the
progressives believed that violence should be used if that is what the people
decide (Davis 165-167). Finally, the radicals are the most outspoken of the
five groups. They are forced to go underground when Marcos starts his “witch
hunts” (Davis 169). They are often persecuted if suspected of treason.
3. How did the group you are looking at participate in the
protest?
Obviously, not all Filipinos who identified as Catholic
participated in the protest. But I think it would be interesting to see how the
different parts of the Church dealt with having to split up into factions. The
ultra-conservatives and the conservatives tended to be of a wealthier class,
which meant that they were never on the receiving end of Marcos’s brutality.
The fact that they never had to see it or experience it probably contributed to
their lack of mobility within the protest. Furthermore, their wealth and high
status would actually make them supporters of Marcos’s government and would
therefore cause them to actively support Marcos. Why would those who are in a socially
favorable position want to oust someone who is determined to keep the status
quo? On the other hand, those who were moderates and progressives were more
liberal minded. Moderates were “the most influential group in the Church,” even
though they tended to not have the status that the ultra-conservatives
possessed (Davis 167). The radicals took the largest role in the protest, often
having to be secretive about their identity as a radical. They worked with the
Christians for National Liberation (CNL) which was a group headed by the
Communist Party of the Philippines (Youngblood 81). This group was extremely
politically oriented and believed that an “armed struggle” was necessary for
“liberating the Philippines from the status quo” (Youngblood 82).
4. When you think about this protest, what are you worried
or concerned about? Are there questions that you think will be hard to answer?
Do you have methodological concerns? What part of this project do you think
will be the most difficult for you?
I think that it will be difficult to find concrete examples
of Christians working for the cause of the protest. I have a lot of materials
on Christianity in the Philippines during the time of the protest, but it is
hard to find specific groups that were involved in the protests and how those
groups directly affected the outcome of the protests. I think I will need to
read through my research materials more carefully to find smaller key facts and
also do some online research for journal articles on this topic. I hope I
haven’t made the identity too narrow (Catholic/Christian Filipinos vs.
Filipinos in general), but so far it looks like there is a lot of background on
the religion within the country before the protest, which will be good for my
historical context portion of the essay. The historical context portion will
take the most time by far because the history of the Philippines is extremely
varied and rich (with Colonialism taken into account). I will definitely have
to make sure that I touch on all of the history (both of Catholicism in the
Philippines and the political history of the Philippines) so that the rest of
the paper is clear.
Works Cited:
Davis, Leonard. Revolutionary
Struggle in the Philippines. Hampshire: Macmillan, 1989. Print.
Goodno, James B. The
Philippines: Land of the Broken Promises. London: Zed, 1991. Print.
Youngblood,
Robert L. Marcos Against the Church: Economic Development and Political
Repression in the Philippines. Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1990. Print.
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